نړيوال ښکيلاک او د لرو بر افغان دازادۍ غورځنګ

ممتازخا ن ته The Dancing Boys of the North

pattang
22.10.2007

The Dancing Boys of the North

Wealthy strongmen recruit adolescent boys for entertainment and sex, with the local authorities powerless to stop the practice.

By Sayed Yaqub Ibrahimi in Mazar-e-Sharif (ARR No. 268, 10-Oct-07)

“Some men enjoy playing with dogs, some with women. I enjoy playing with boys,” said Allah Daad, a one-time mujahedin commander in the northern Afghan province of Kunduz.

He is one of a growing number of men involved in what is known as “bacha baazi”— literally, “boy-play” — a time-honoured tradition, deplored by human rights activists and clerics, that is seeing a revival in the relatively secure north of Afghanistan.

The boys are kept by powerful older men, made to dance at special parties, and often sexually abused afterwards. Known as “bacha bereesh” - literally, “beardless boys”, they are under 18, with 14 the preferred age.

“When I was young, I had a bacha bereesh who was the best in the region,” recalled Allah Daad, 44. “He danced like a flying pigeon.... Nobody could take his place afterwards. I kept him for three years, then left him when he matured.”

Allah Daad has kept many boys over the years, and says he enjoys his “hobby”. “I am married, but I prefer boys to women,” he said. “You can’t take women with you to parties in this region, and you can’t make them dance. These boys are our [mark of] prestige.”

Large halls known as “qush-khana” provide the venues for bacha baazi parties where the boys’ “owners” or “kaatah” invite their friends to watch them dancing. Late in the night, when the dancing is over, the boys are often shared with close friends, for sexual abuse.

Allah Daad explained how the boys are enticed into the arrangement. “First we select boys in the village and later on we try to trick them into coming with us,” he said. “Some of them stay with us for money; they get a monthly allowance, and in return we can have them any time we want. They don’t stay with us all the time - they can do their own jobs and then just come to parties with us.”

If a boy refuses to become a bacha bereesh, he said, there is little a man can do to make him. “We can’t force them,” he insisted. “Only the very powerful can have boys with them all the time.”

The owner will take his boy to wedding parties to show him off to other men.

“When the party starts, the boys are dressed in special clothes, called ‘jaaman’,” continued Allah Daad. “Then Mazari dancing bells are tied to their feet and they dance in time to the music.”

Several different types of dances are popular, he explained, each with its own beat. If the boy refuses to dance or performs badly, his master beats him with a long stick.

“We have to do that,” said Allah Daad. “We spend money on these boys, so they have to dance.”

Allah Dad’s current bacha, who is 16, refused to be interviewed.

Another owner forced his 14-year-old boy to speak, although he would not give his name.

“I was dancing last night,” he said, looking exhausted. “I have been doing this for the past year. I have no choice - I’m poor. My father is dead, and this is the only source of income for me and my family. I try to dance well, especially at huge parties. The men throw money at me, and then I gather it up. Sometimes they take me to the market and buy me nice clothes.”

The tradition of older men maintaining adolescent boys is by no means restricted to the north of Afghanistan, but the custom is in abeyance in the south, where the Taleban and their strict moral code act as a deterrent.

In the north, no such curbs exist, and bacha baazi has seen a massive resurgence in the past few years.

“Bacha baazi has increased tremendously lately and is still on the rise,” said Baz Gul, a resident of Kunduz. “In the past, people were ashamed of it, and tried to hide it. Now nobody is shy about it, and they participate openly in these parties.”

He explained that there were several reasons why the practice had become more common, one of which was the growing influence of local strongmen, who regard bacha baazi as status symbols.

These militia commanders are supposed to have demobilised their forces and handed over their weapons, but as IWPR has reported, many still rule the roost on the ground and retain the power to intimidate the local population.

Baz Gul said poverty was another reason why boys could find themselves ensnared, while the government had failed to do much about the problem and its police force enjoyed little public confidence.

“It used to be that only a few people had boys. Now everyone owns one and the authorities don’t care about it at all,” he said. “It’s got to the point where almost no party takes place without dancing boys. It’s seen as a disgrace if you don’t have dancing boys at your wedding. This has led to a rise in immoral behaviour among boys, and if nothing is done about it, this trend will continue.”

For some, a bacha bereesh is a status symbol.

“I am not really rich, but I am just as good as the wealthy,” said Nasruddin, known as Nasro Bay, who lives in Baghlan province. “I want as many bacha bereesh as possible, so that when I go to parties I am no worse than anybody else.”

Nasro Bay insisted that the dancing boy tradition was a good one.

“It’s a good thing,” he said. “We have our own culture. In foreign countries, the women dance. We have our own dances which don’t exist anywhere else in the world.”

Militia commanders and other men of substance buy and sell good-looking boys, using the bacha baazi parties as marketplaces.

“Commanders and wealthy men arrange parties in order to select a bacha bereesh,” said Nek Mohammad, a resident of Baghlan’s Andarab district who frequently attends dance parties, although he does not own a bacha bereesh himself. “Many of the men make their boys dance at these parties, and other men choose one and pay for him. By the end of the party, the boy has acquired a new owner.”

He said substantial amounts of money changes hands in these transactions.

Like Nasro Bay, Nek Mohammad sees public ostentation as part of the bacha baazi tradition.

“Commanders often take their boys to a market and buy them beautiful clothes, as a challenge to other commanders. Sometimes they even give them cars. That gives them a very big reputation,” he said.

Religious scholars condemn the custom, which they count as one of the most sinful acts possible.

“Making boys dance and sexually abusing them is strictly prohibited by Islam,” said Mawlawi Ghulam Rabbani, a religious leader in Takhar province. “Those who engage in it should be punished. They should be thrown off a mountain and stoned to death.”

Local officials admit the practice is prevalent but are at a loss as to how to combat it.

“Yes, bacha baazi is practiced a great deal, especially in the Khost-o-Fering and Andarab districts,” said Hafizullah Khaliqyar, head of the prosecutor’s office for Baghlan province. “Boys are forced to dance, they are sexually abused, and they are even bought and sold. Fights take place over these bacha bereesh. It’s increasing day by day, and it’s catastrophic.”

Khaliqyar said there was little that prosecutors could do. “The police and district heads won’t cooperate with us,” he complained. “They don’t send us their files, so we can’t take action.”

He said the paramilitary commanders involved were so powerful that no one – not even the police – would raise a hand against them.

“Regional commanders engage in this practice and support it,” he said. “They have money, power and weapons, and neither the district heads nor the local population dares to tell us about this.”

However, Khaliqyar said he is committed to fighting the practice and had had some successes.

“We treat this matter very seriously. It’s against the law, and the perpetrators should be punished,” he said.

Police in Pul-e-Khumri, the capital of Baghlan, recently raided a bacha-baazi hall and arrested 30 men. “Their case is currently with the Supreme Court. We have sent several men to prison on these types of charges,” said Khaliqyar.

In Takhar province, the head of the local security agencies, General Sayed Ahmad Saame, also complained about lack of cooperation from the public.

“We have closed every bacha baazi centre we have found,” he said. “We have forwarded seven cases to the prosecutor’s office so far this year.”

But there is only so much the police can do. “This practice has such a long history in this province that local people treat it as a respected custom, and won’t cooperate with us. This is a serious obstacle to our work,” said Saame.

General Asadullah Amarkhail, the security chief in Kunduz, agreed that public cooperation was needed if the practice was to be curbed, although to date 27 people had been arrested in his province.

Mohammad Zaher Zafari, head of the northern branch of the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission, bemoaned the government’s inability to take action.

“Unfortunately I have to say that this type of dancing, sexual abuse and even the sale of boys has been going on for years,” he said. “It is a despicable culture. The boys involved are usually poor, underage or orphans, and they are forced into it by their economic circumstances.

“It’s shocking from both a humanitarian and a legal point of view. The boys who do this have a very dark future ahead of them – they will always be ashamed and they grow into frustrated human beings, and, pose a threat to community. The government has taken no action on this issue, and child abuse is still being practiced.”

Khaliqyar took a similar view of the damage done to the bacha bereesh, saying it destroys their identity.

“If the United Nations and the government don’t take this issue as seriously as they do child-trafficking and drug-smuggling, and punish the offenders, it’s going to be almost impossible to prevent it,” he said.

Sayed Yaqub Ibrahimi is an IWPR staff reporter in Mazar-e-Sharif.

pattang
22.10.2007

Afghan strongman's reign of fear
Panicked residents of Faryab province say a local warlord is exacting tribute and abusing civilians while the government does nothing to stop him. From IWPR.

By Sayed Yaqub Ibrahimi in Faryab for IWPR (19/10/07)

Shahabudin fled when life became intolerable for him in his native district of Pashtun Kot, in the northern Afghan province of Faryab. He claims that a former militia commander has taken over Pashtun Kot and is ruling virtually unchallenged.

Some commentators say the situation here exemplifies a wider pattern of lawlessness where paramilitary strongmen are effectively sidelining local administrations in parts of northern Afghanistan, at a time when attention is focused on the war against the Taliban in the south.

"Abdul Rahman Shamal reigns in [Pashtun Kot], and he roams the district on his horses just like a king. He is accompanied by armed men on horseback. Anyone who sees him coming tries to hide," said Shahabudin. "He treats people like slaves, and no one can do a thing without his permission.

"When we marry off our daughters, we have to go to the commander, offer him 5,000 afghani [US$100] and ask his permission. Otherwise the marriage will not be possible."

Shamal was formerly, at least, a militia commander within Junbesh-e-Milli-ye-Islami (National Islamic Movement), the military faction led by Uzbek strongman General Abdul Rashid Dostum.

Dostum is a controversial figure, but he has been at least partially co-opted into government, serving as chief of staff to the commander-in-chief of Afghanistan’s armed forces. However, some of his former lieutenants are using the power vacuum in the north to exert their authority. Despite concerted drives in recent years to dismantle the numerous irregular forces across Afghanistan, such men still retain significant private militias.

In Faryab, at least, the continuing existence of illegal armed groups is no secret. In August 2006, Shamal's forces clashed with those of another commander, Khalifa Saleh, who was aligned with a major rival of Dostum. Some 300 armed men took part in the fight, which left 14 people dead.

Shahabudin alleged that men are forcibly levied from local families to join Shamal's paramilitaries.

"Anyone who refuses to send his son to the commander’s militia is beaten or even killed," he said.

He added that the militia commander extorted money to buy horses and provide food for his men. Once again, resistance is punished by imprisonment or torture.

An arrest warrant has been issued for Shamal, and both government security forces and their international allies claim to be searching for him.

But while local people seem to know exactly where Shamal and his men are operating, the commander has not been detained.

"We have conducted three operations against this commander," said General Khalilullah Ziaee, chief of police in Faryab province.

"But the terrain favors him. He hides in the mountains, and when we approach, he sees us coming three hours before we can get to him, and he makes an easy escape. Later on, when we are gone, he comes back."

Ziaee said that police were determined to capture the commander, but lacked the resources to do so.

"We want to save people from his evil-doing," he said. "But he runs away when we attack him, and we don’t have the horses to chase him with."

In the end, Shahabudin had to make his own choice. "Life became unbearable. Death and dishonor followed us. So we had to flee," he said.

Mullah Yar Bay is another Pashtun Kot resident who fled to escape the commander's rule, which he said involved arbitrary detention, torture and murder.

"Commander Shamal has private prisons and he arrests those who do not obey him," he said. "Many of those who have defied him have either disappeared or been imprisoned. Our lives and everything we own belong to this commander."

Local residents chafing under the yoke are angry that the authorities are unable - perhaps even unwilling - to find the commander.

"The government doesn't want to catch Shamal," said a man who still lives in Pashtun Kot. "They come into his area and leave without doing anything. I am sure that if the government does fight him, it will not win."

This interviewee believed the authorities were allowing Shamal a free hand in Pashtun Kot to keep him from branching out into other parts of the province.

"The government makes promises, but they are just deceiving people. I've decided to go and live somewhere else, because as long as Shamal is alive, no one can do anything in Pashtun Kot,: he said.

Sattar Barez, Faryab's deputy governor, acknowledged that the presence of Shamal was a problem, but insisted the authorities were taking steps to deal with it.

"It is totally wrong to say that the government is silent," he said. "[Shamal] is a criminal who tortures and beats people. His crimes are known to everyone. We have plans to deal with him soon."

IWPR was unable to contact Shamal, but spoke to Junbesh, the party with which he was formerly connected and allegedly still is.

Junbesh officials say their party has made the transition from armed faction to legitimate political party, and deny links with commanders such as Shamal.

Deputy party leader Kinja Kargar told IWPR that the party was fully compliant with Afghan laws, which ban political groups from maintaining links with armed groups.

"Junbesh is a powerful public party that has dissolved all of its military branches under DIAG and DDR," he said, referring to two government-sponsored programs, Disbandment of Illegal Armed Groups and its predecessor, the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration scheme.

Critics say both programs, which were backed by the United Nations and which cost tens of millions of dollars, were less than successful.

But Kargar was adamant that the Junbesh organization no longer embraces armed groups.

"Anyone in possession of weaponry does not belong to Junbesh," he said.

Faryab's police chief told IWPR that political parties often issue such disclaimers. "[Shamal] belongs to a party that is known to everyone," said Ziaee. "The party denies the relationship so as to avoid legal problems."

Human rights groups are worried about the situation, saying they have brought their concerns to the authorities’ attention but little action has been taken.

"This issue is of great concern, but unfortunately we have no powers of enforcement," said Zaidullah Paiwand, the head of the Faryab branch of the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission. "We see here that commanders torture people, rob them and beat them. We have received many complaints against this commander [Shamal]. We have submitted all our reports to the law enforcement agencies, but unfortunately nothing significant has happened."

Paiwand could not confirm the existence of private prisons, but said, "I think that every inch of the area he [Shamal] has occupied is a prison for the local people, because he can do anything he wants."

Worryingly, some analysts see the Pashtun Kot situation as part of a much broader trend. They argue that the militia commanders who were dominant in the early to mid-1990s are once again emerging as a powerful force in the north, taking advantage of the weakness of central government.

"The government and human rights organizations have claimed that the situation is improving, but in reality the commanders are gradually gaining the upper hand, and the government can't do anything about it," said Mohammad Nabi Aseer, a journalist and analyst in northern Afghanistan.

"The government is unable to combat the Taliban, and it is afraid that if it alienates the [northern] commanders, they might turn into an even more powerful enemy."

Aseer said disarmament programs had not worked, and that most of the factions-turned-parties retained a paramilitary wing, a factor that encouraged central government to do nothing.

"In reality, leaders of political parties obtain power in government via these military wings," he said. "Taking action against local commanders would entail taking action against their leaders in Kabul. [President Hamed] Karzai's government does not have the power to do this. Commander Shamal is a good example."

Hazrat jan Rahmatzai
23.10.2007

This is Completly true..... but who should tell these unknowledgable pepole.
They are saying to them Self i am muslman I am Mujahid And i have seen Mostly of thoes Mujahid who says That we win The MOQAOMAT they are Doing these habbit,
:o Heeyyy Pepole of the world comon and look at this habbit ...... wah look to these son of Muslman , actulley that person is not a Muslman that is son of the Bitchs
God Damage these kind of Idiot Pepoles

momtaz
23.10.2007

پتنګ آشنا، دا خوا دټول افغانستان یو واقعیت دﺉ، چې هلکان ساتی او کله کله په وادونو کې یې ګډوي. په ځینو ځایونو کې ډیر او په ځینو ځایونو کې بیا دومره ډېر نه .ما یو وار د کابل په شیوکی کې د خپلو د سترګو لید کیسه په یوه بل بحث کې کړې وه. دا بله کیسه هم ولوله:

Kandahar's Lightly Veiled Homosexual Habits
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Society: Restrictions on relations with women lead to greater prevalence of liaisons between men, a professor says.
By MAURA REYNOLDS, Times Staff Writer
April 3, 2002
KANDAHAR, Afghanistan -- In his 29 years, Mohammed Daud has seen the faces of perhaps 200 women. A few dozen were family members. The rest were glimpses stolen when he should not have been looking and the women were caught without their face-shrouding burkas.

"How can you fall in love with a girl if you can't see her face?" he asks.

Daud is unmarried and has sex only with men and boys. But he does not consider himself homosexual, at least not in the Western sense.

"I like boys, but I like girls better," he says. "It's just that we can't see the women to see if they are beautiful. But we can see the boys, and so we can tell which of them is beautiful."

Daud, a motorbike repairman who asked that only his two first names and not his family name be used, has a youthful face, a jaunty black mustache and a post-Taliban cleanshaven chin. As he talks, his knee bounces up and down, an involuntary sign of his embarrassment.

"These are hard questions you are asking," he says. "We don't usually talk about such things."

Though rarely acknowledged, the prevalence of sex between Afghan men is an open secret, one most observant visitors quickly surmise. Ironically, it is especially true here in Kandahar, which was the heartland of the puritanical Taliban movement.

It might seem odd to a Westerner that such a sexually repressive society is marked by heightened homosexual activity. But Justin Richardson, a professor of psychiatry at Columbia University, says such thinking is backward--it is precisely the extreme restrictions on sexual relations with women that lead to greater prevalence of the behavior.

"In some Muslim societies where the prohibition against premarital heterosexual intercourse is extremely high--higher than that against sex between men--you will find men having sex with other males not because they find them most attractive of all but because they find them most attractive of the limited options available to them," Richardson says.

In other words, sex between men can be seen as the flip side of the segregation of women. And perhaps because the ethnic Pushtuns who dominate Kandahar are the most religiously conservative of Afghanistan's major ethnic groups, they have, by most accounts, a higher incidence of homosexual relations.

Visitors might think they see the signs. For one thing, Afghan men tend to be more intimate with other men in public than is common in the West. They will kiss, hold hands and drape their arms around each other while drinking tea or talking.

Moreover, there is a strong streak of dandyism among Pushtun males. Many line their eyes with kohl, stain their fingernails with henna or walk about town in clumsy, high-heeled sandals.

The love by men for younger, beautiful males, who are called halekon, is even enshrined in Pushtun literature. A popular poem by Syed Abdul Khaliq Agha, who died last year, notes Kandahar's special reputation.

"Kandahar has beautiful halekon," the poem goes. "They have black eyes and white cheeks."

But a visitor who comments on such things is likely to be told they are not signs of homosexuality. Hugging doesn't mean sex, locals insist. Men who use kohl and henna are simply "uneducated."

Regardless, when asked directly, few deny that a significant percentage of men in this region have sex with men and boys. Just ask Mullah Mohammed Ibrahim, a local cleric.

"Ninety percent of men have the desire to commit this sin," the mullah says. "But most are right with God and exercise control. Only 20 to 50% of those who want to do this actually do it."

Following the mullah's math, this suggests that between 18% and 45% of men here engage in homosexual sex--significantly higher than the 3% to 7% of American men who, according to studies, identify themselves as homosexual.

That is a large number to defy the strict version of Islam practiced in these parts, which denounces sex between men as taboo. Muslims seeking council from religious elders on the topic will find them unsympathetic.

"Every person has a devil inside him," says Ibrahim. "If a person commits this sin, it is the work of the devil."

The Koran mandates "hard punishment" for offenders, the mullah explains. By tradition there are three penalties: being burned at the stake, pushed over the edge of a cliff or crushed by a toppled wall.

During its reign in Kandahar, the Taliban implemented the latter. In February 1998, it used a tank to push a brick wall on top of three men, two accused of sodomy and the third of homosexual rape. The first two died; the third spent a week in the hospital and, under the assumption that God had spared him, was sent to prison. He served six months and fled to Pakistan.

Apparently to discourage post-Taliban visitors, the owners of a nearby house have begun rebuilding on the site.

"A lot of foreigners came and started interviewing people," says Abdul Baser, a 24-year-old neighbor, who points out the trench where the men were crushed. "Since then they have rebuilt the wall."

But many accuse the Taliban of hypocrisy on the issue of homosexuality.

"The Taliban had halekon, but they kept it secret," says one anti-Taliban commander, who is rumored to keep two halekon. "They hid their halekon in their madrasas," or religious schools.

It's not only religious authorities who describe homosexual sex as common among the Pushtun.

Dr. Mohammed Nasem Zafar, a professor at Kandahar Medical College, estimates that about 50% of the city's male residents have sex with men or boys at some point in their lives. He says the prime age at which boys are attractive to men is from 12 to 16--before their beards grow in. The adolescents sometimes develop medical problems, which he sees in his practice, such as sexually transmitted diseases and sphincter incontinence. So far, the doctor said, AIDS does not seem to be a problem in Afghanistan, probably because the country is so isolated.

"Sometimes when the halekon grow up, the older men actually try to keep them in the family by marrying them off to their daughters," the doctor says.

Zafar cites a local mullah whom he caught once using the examination table in the doctor's one-room clinic for sex with a younger man. "If this is our mullah, what can you say for the rest?" Zafar asks.

Richardson, the psychiatry professor, says it would be wrong to call Afghan men homosexual, since their decision to have sex with men is not a reflection of what Westerners call gender identity. Instead, he compares them to prison inmates: They have sex with men primarily because they find themselves in a situation where men are more available as sex partners than are women.

"It is something they do," he notes, "not something they are."

Daud, the motorbike repairman, would concur that the segregation of women lies at the heart of the matter.

Daud says his first sexual experience with a man occurred when he was 20, about the time he realized that he would have difficulty marrying. In Pushtun culture, the man has to pay for his wedding and for gifts and clothes for the bride and her family. For many men, the bill tops $5,000--such an exorbitant sum in this impoverished country that some men, including Daud, are dissuaded from even trying.

"I would like to get married, but the economic situation in our country makes it hard," Daud says.

Daud talked about his sex life only in private and after being assured that no photos would be taken.

"I have relations with different boys--some for six months, some for one month. Some are with me for six years," he says. "The problem is also money. If you want to have a relationship with a boy, you have to buy things for him. That's why it's not bad for the boy. Some relationships need a lot of money, some not so much. Sometimes I fix a motorbike and give it to him as a present."

It is not easy to conduct homosexual affairs, he admits. Home is out of the question.

"If my father were to find me, he'd kick me out of the house," Daud says. "If you want to have sex, you have to find a secret place. Some go to the mountains or the desert."

Opinions differ as to whether homosexual practices in Kandahar are becoming more open or more closed since the Taliban was defeated.

For instance, after anti-Taliban forces arrived in the city in early December, some Westerners reported seeing commanders going about town openly with their halekon. But that has changed in recent weeks since Kandahar's new governor, Gul Agha Shirzai, issued an order banning boys under 18 from living with troops. Officially, the ban is aimed at ending the practice of using children as soldiers.

"It is not that way," says one of the governor's top aides, Engineer Yusuf Pashtun, objecting to the insinuation that the boys may have been used for sex. The governor's order said only that "no boys should be recruited in the army before the age of 18," he adds.

Still, the anti-Taliban commander, who is close to Shirzai, acknowledged that one goal of the order was to keep halekon out of the barracks. The move simply drove the practice underground, he says.

Zafar, the doctor, says that in the community at large the Taliban frightened many men into abstinence. "Under the Taliban, no more than 10% practiced homosexual sex," he says. "But now the government isn't paying attention, so it may go back up to 50%."

But Daud thinks the opposite may happen. If coeducation returns and the dress code for women eases, men will have fewer reasons to seek solace in the beds--or fields or storage rooms--of other men.

"As for me, if I find someone and see she is beautiful, I will send my mother over to her" to ask for her hand in marriage, Daud says. "I'm just waiting to see her."

رښتینی
23.10.2007

ټول افغان پښتو ويب سايټ دي كه انګليسي ؟

او كه د ليكوال چاته شخصي ليكنه موخه وي نو

د شخصي پيغام له لاري ولي هغه كار نه كوي ؟

زه ګومان كوم چي په دي نيوكه كي حق له ماسره ده

نو په حقه خبره دي له مانه څوك خواهم نه بدوي

په مينه

pattang
23.10.2007

متازخانه دا خو يو ډېر پست عادت دی ، دانسان او انساني شرافت او هم د غربي
اخلاقو برخلاف او يو مجرم حرکت دی:
(Die Würde des Menschen ist unantastbar/The dignity of men is unimpeachable ) او هم زمونږ په قومي او اسلامي عنعناتو کې دا پست عمل
منع دی٠ زما رانقل شويې ليکنې نه يواځې بچه بازي بلکې دکرزي دحکمروائي
نا چلښت او د هغه ددولت تورې څېرې ښېيې .
زه له تا څخه داسوال کوم چې ته څرنګه د انساني شرف ،دغسې تور اچونکې تورې او بدنامۍ لکې ته کشېناستې ?
ارمان چې طالبان نشته !!!!!!!
ته پر ځای ددې چې دليل و وايې او يا تا سف وکاږې ، دلته له قندهار ه څخه
د لواطتو يو پر يو مسال راوړې ٠
زه وروورو پر دې عقيده کېږم چې تاخو پښتو زده ده ، خود اسې راته مالوميږي
لکه نيمچه ستمی او د شمال دغدار و ټلوالو لوی ملګری ٠
او دا بر منډ حقيقت دی چې يو شمېر پښتانه د شمال د ټلوالو کلکه پلوي کوي چې
يو مسال يې دکندهار او سنی والي دی٠

momtaz
23.10.2007

[quote:4983b85f85]متازخانه دا خو يو ډېر پست عادت دی ، دانسان او انساني شرافت او هم د غربي اخلاقو برخلاف او يو مجرم حرکت دی:
(Die Würde des Menschen ist unantastbar/The dignity of men is unimpeachable ) او هم زمونږ په قومي او اسلامي عنعناتو کې دا پست عمل
منع دی٠[/quote:4983b85f85]
پتنګ آشنا که ته په داسې شیانو پوهیدې، ښه به دا وای چې دا موضوع دې عمومی بحث ته نه وړاندې کوله او د حامد ورور په خبره د یوه pm له لارې د خپل د زړه بړاس وباسه. سره لدې هم ما درته لیکلي، چې [color=blue:4983b85f85]پتنګ آشنا، دا خو دټول افغانستان یو واقعیت دﺉ، چې هلکان ساتی او کله کله په وادونو کې یې ګډوي. په ځینو ځایونو کې ډیر او په ځینو ځایونو کې بیا دومره ډېر نه .ما یو وار د کابل په شیوکی کې د خپلو د سترګو لید کیسه په یوه بل بحث کې کړې وه.[/color:4983b85f85]
بیا درته وایم که مو خوښه وي او که نه، چې دا زمونږ په ټولنه کې یو څرګند حقیقت دﺉ. ستا ستونزه په دې کې ده چې حقیقت نه منې ! تا په یوه بل بحث کې هم د حقیقت په پټولو کې داسې لیکلي وو:
[quote:4983b85f85]لرغونيه وروره ليکنه د پو هنتون يوه محصل کړې ده ، ما را نقل کړې ده
ستا خبرې درستې دي ، [color=blue:4983b85f85]خو حقيقت بايد پټ وساتو،دې [/color:4983b85f85]طائفې مونږ ته ډېرې بدبختۍ راکړې دي او پلويان يې نور هم ملت ټکوي ٠
_________________
دپښتنولي په مينه پتنګ[/quote:4983b85f85]

pattang
23.10.2007

lol
[quote:309ba398b6="momtaz"][quote:309ba398b6]متازخانه دا خو يو ډېر پست عادت دی ، دانسان او انساني شرافت او هم د غربي اخلاقو برخلاف او يو مجرم حرکت دی:
(Die Würde des Menschen ist unantastbar/The dignity of men is unimpeachable ) او هم زمونږ په قومي او اسلامي عنعناتو کې دا پست عمل
منع دی٠[/quote:309ba398b6]
پتنګ آشنا که ته په داسې شیانو پوهیدې، ښه به دا وای چې دا موضوع دې عمومی بحث ته نه وړاندې کوله او د حامد ورور په خبره د یوه pm له لارې د خپل د زړه بړاس وباسه. سره لدې هم ما درته لیکلي، چې [color=blue:309ba398b6]پتنګ آشنا، دا خو دټول افغانستان یو واقعیت دﺉ، چې هلکان ساتی او کله کله په وادونو کې یې ګډوي. په ځینو ځایونو کې ډیر او په ځینو ځایونو کې بیا دومره ډېر نه .ما یو وار د کابل په شیوکی کې د خپلو د سترګو لید کیسه په یوه بل بحث کې کړې وه.[/color:309ba398b6]
بیا درته وایم که مو خوښه وي او که نه، چې دا زمونږ په ټولنه کې یو څرګند حقیقت دﺉ. ستا ستونزه په دې کې ده چې حقیقت نه منې ! تا په یوه بل بحث کې هم د حقیقت په پټولو کې داسې لیکلي وو:
[quote:309ba398b6]لرغونيه وروره ليکنه د پو هنتون يوه محصل کړې ده ، ما را نقل کړې ده
ستا خبرې درستې دي ، [color=blue:309ba398b6]خو حقيقت بايد پټ وساتو،دې [/color:309ba398b6]طائفې مونږ ته ډېرې بدبختۍ راکړې دي او پلويان يې نور هم ملت ټکوي ٠
_________________
دپښتنولي په مينه پتنګ[/quote:309ba398b6][/quote:309ba398b6]

Nazar
24.10.2007

ممتاز خان اول سلام بیا خبره دی  غ ری  دی ورکیدو ده. بچه بازی ناچ بازی و غیره
دا تور یوازی په قنداریانو ملګوه 
بابا جانه هزارګیان او پنشیریان یی لا شه ورکیی
ستاسو به خوا پی بدیژی
او دا دی شمال تنکی ځونان څومره په خوند غورزی
خاس لکه دی کراچی ایزکان (حیجړه)
او دا زنګ  سی په پشو وتړی خاس لکه دی اګری اومراو جان او دی مبی چمپاباي
او دا بچه بازی په هر قوم ی سته په هر زاتکی شته
تاسو دا حق نلری چی یوازی قنداری ملامت کړی 
دی بچه بازی په مورد کی 
که څه معلومات ورکولی شی خو ویلیک چی څومر ګناه ده   څومره سواب
او تاسو چی کوم ریپورټ تیارکړی دا هیڅ معنی نلری
مننه

Nazar
24.10.2007

پلیس ولایت شمالی بغلان در افغانستان به تازگی 27 تن را به اتهام سواستفاده جنسی از کودکان در این ولایت، بازداشت کرد. این افراد، پسربچه های زیر سن 18 سال را مورد سو استفاده جنسی قرار می دادند.

ژنرال میر اعلم، رییس پلیس ولایت بغلان، گفت این افراد در یک واحد مسکونی، گروهی از پسربچه های زیر سن هجده سال را لباس های زنانه پوشانده بودند و از آنها سو استفاده جنسی می کردند که بازداشت شدند.

در ولایت کندوز نیز، ژنرال رزاق یعقوبی، رییس پلیس می گوید تاکنون ده ها تن را به اتهام سو استفاده جنسی از کودکان مجازات کرده اند.

تجاوز به کودکان در افغانستان و سو استفاده جنسی از آنها، ظرف بیش از دو دهه جنگ، همواره افزایش یافته که در میان افغانان معروف به "بچه بازی" یا "بچه بی ریش" شده است.

ژنرال رزاق این را یک "مرض واگیر" می خواند.

این رسم در ابتدا در میان گروهی از مردان رواج یافته بود که در دوران جنگ قادر به نزدیکی با جنس مخالف نبوده اند؛ فضای بسته اجتماعی برعلاوة ماموریت این افراد در کوه دامن ها و مناطق دور دست که "جنس لطیف" در آن محل بود و باش نداشته، زمینه ساز اصلی این معضل شده است.

فرماندهان مسلح که سرگرم زد و خورد با مخالفان خود بودند، سهم بزرگی را در رواج دادن این رسم ایفا کرده اند. و از سوی هم، مناطقی از افغانستان که در آن، زنان پیوسته در پشت درهای بسته خانه ها نگهداشته می شوند، شاهد از این دست نابسامانی ها بوده است.

چند سرباز که در گذشته تحت امر فرماندهان "بچه بی ریش دار" بوده اند، به بی بی سی می گویند آمران آنها عمدتا در ولایات شمالی جوزجان، فاریاب، بلخ، بغلان و کندوز و همچنین مناطق جنوبی قندهار، خوست، پکتیا و پکتیکا یک حلقه بزرگ چند نفری از بچه های خردتر از 18 سال را که ریش و سبیل نکشیده بودند، در اختیار داشتند.

به گفته این منابع که نمی خواهد فاش شوند، این پسربچه های لشم و خوش صورت، حرکات موجی داشته و غالبا رفتار زنان را تقلید می کنند.

آنها اطراف چشم شان را خط هاي ضخيم سياه مي‌كشند و حركات شان به مردان علاقه‌مند پوشش زنان در غرب‌، مي‌ماند.

momtaz
24.10.2007

[quote:784c3082cd]او دا بچه بازی په هر قوم ی سته په هر زاتکی شته [/quote:784c3082cd]
Nazar خانه وروره، زه ستاسو خبره په سلو کې سل تائيدوم ، چې " بچه بازی" په ټول افغانستان کې رواج لری . که مو پام شوئ وي ما هم لیکلي وو :
[color=white:784c3082cd]داخو [/color:784c3082cd][color=blue:784c3082cd]دټول افغانستان یو واقعیت دﺉ، [/color:784c3082cd][color=white:784c3082cd]چې هلکان ساتی او کله کله په وادونو کې یې ګډوي. په ځینو ځایونو کې ډیر او په ځینو ځایونو کې بیا دومره ډېر نه .ما یو وار د کابل شیوکی په یوه واده کې د خپلو د سترګو لید کیسه په یوه بل بحث کې کړې وه. [/color:784c3082cd]